"Some late drilled-style cylinders have contest scenes (719-723). Seals 719 and 720 present a cursory rendering of the archer pursuing a lion-griffin, as in 689, which belongs to the linear syste, and 690, which is of early drilled style."--Porada, CANES, p. 86

"The central element of the ritual scenes of 770-775 is the sacred tree. In these designs it is rendered in three different ways, namely: with graceful streamers and volutes (770); within the net of lines that may connote irrigation canals surrounded by shoots (772, 773); and realistically as a palm tree (774, 775)... In 774 and 775 the tree, while still the central element, possibly appears in the scene merely because it is somehow related to the deities pictured beside it...Seals 770-777 may with certainty be classified as Neo-Assyrian cylinders of the latter part of the eight and of the seventh century.... The robe of the worshiper in 775 suggests Babylonian influence in that it has folds at the back as in garements seen on Neo-Babylonian seals..., and in that the fringe appears only at the bottom of the robe instead of being drawn over the hip as in earlier Assyrian representations like 644. The attendants in 776 are similarly clothed, suggesting that both 775 and 776 were made in or after the time of Sargon, when marked Babyylonian influence modified even the type of dress worn at court."--Porada, CANES, p. 93-94

"Seals 105 and 106... and perhaps also 107 and 112, belong to the Second Early Dynastic period... In the lower register of 112, the monster whose tail ends in a scorpion recalls the composite monsters of the Second Early Dynastic period; a dating in this period is also indicated by the linear execution of the design." Porada, CANES, p. 16

"Palm trees marked with volutes are found in 596 and 597. This use of volutes recalls Mitannian designs, though in the latter the tree as a whole always conveys an impression of artificiality, whereas on the Middle Assyrian seals it has the appearance of a natural tree merely ornamented with metal bands." Porada, CANES, p. 69

"Seal 837 recalls Greek gems of the fifth century in its exquisite engraving and spacious background. It can be dated in that period by analogy with a seal impression on a tablet of the time of Darius and Xerxes (Philadelphia 833)."--Porada, CANES, p. 104

"Dating of 594 in the fourteenth century is indicated by its similarity to a seal impression of that time (Weber 316a). In each instance a decorative motif is formed by using thw ings of the lion-griffins to frame a palmette tree. In the scene of the impression the shoulder feathers of the lion-griffin's wings are indicated by drillins. This distinctive detail (which appears to derive from Mitannian designs), though it is lacking in 594, does appear in 595. Furthermore, the delicate modeling of the latter seal indicates that it belongs to the fourteenth-century group of Middle Assyrian cylinders. It may be noted that in 595 the tip of the second horn of the bull is indicated; thus the bull's head is shown in a quasi three-quarter view. While such three-quarter profiles remain unparalleled in Mesopotamian designs, they occur frequently in contemporary Aegean art." Porada, CANES, p. 68

"Though Greek soldiers appear in the battle scene of 833, the arrangement of the figures in a row and their rigid postures reflect Mesopotamian tradition rather than Greek influence."--Porada, CANES, p. 104

"The earlier group (747-752), comprising cylinders for which a Neo-Babylonian classification is suggested, seems to reflect influence of the Middle Assyrian modeled style, while the later group (753-769) illustrates the specific character of the Neo-Assyrian modeled style of the late eighth and of the seventh century B.C., though in some cases a seal included in this grouping may have been made in Babylonia."--Porada, CANES, p. 90

"In 635 and 636, the principal figure is a bull. In 635 the animal is charging at a rosette; this theme probably represents an abbreviation of such contest scenes as that of 618. Since the renderings of the bull in 635 and 618 are almost identical, a dating in correspondence with that of the latter seal, in the ninth or in the earlier part of the eighth century, is indicated for 635."--Porada, CANES, p. 75

"... while the arrangement of the Old Babylonian contests is similar to that used in the earlier period, the introduction of new figures, especially in 359-369, indicates that such ontests had acquire new significance. The new figures include a goat seated upright on a knoll and attacked by a lion or lion-griffin or both, and a man on one knee at the mercy of similar assailants." Porada, CANES, p. 44

Damaged cylinder.
"In the seals of mature Akkad style, the theme of contest between heroes and beasts is embodied in two pairs of fighting figures flanking a central design or the panel of an inscription. A characteristic detail of the resulting rather formal composition is the lozenge effect produced by the arms of the fighters and the legs of their victims. The nude bearded hero and the bull-man are the most common protagonists in these contests, but figures attired like human huntsmen often take the place of the nude bearded hero (165) or of both fighters (166, 169). In other instances two identical bull-men (167) or nude bearded heroes (168) are represented. Water buffaloes and lions are the most frequent opponents of the heroes. In these seals of mature Akkad style, lions are almost always shown in profile. The scene of 170, showing a figure pouring a libation beside the two fighting pairs, is exceptional." Porada, CANES, p. 22

"In the seals of mature Akkad style, the theme of contest between heroes and beasts is embodied in two pairs of fighting figures flanking a central design or the panel of an inscription. A characteristic detail of the resulting rather formal composition is the lozenge effect produced by the arms of the fighters and the legs of their victims. The nude bearded hero and the bull-man are the most common protagonists in these contests, but figures attired like human huntsmen often take the place of the nude bearded hero (165) or of both fighters (166, 169). In other instances two identical bull-men (167) or nude bearded heroes (168) are represented. Water buffaloes and lions are the most frequent opponents of the heroes. In these seals of mature Akkad style, lions are almost always shown in profile. The scene of 170, showing a figure pouring a libation beside the two fighting pairs, is exceptional." Porada, CANES, p. 22

"Though the composite monsters of 57-59 may be mythological, it is possible that the merging of human and animal forms derived from a desire of the artist to maintian the essential symmetry and compactness of the composition as a whole." Porada, CANES, p. 9

"In the seals deriving from the beginning of the Akkad period, the Early Dynastic frieze of closely interwoven figures gradually breaks up into two or three groups of contestants. Frequently a symetrical effect is obtained by a duplication of the human-headed bull (147-52, 154). These scenes... show the lack of cohesion in composition that is characteristic of Early Akkad seals. Equally characteristic is the more developed modeling of the figures. Lastly, a number of details serve to distinguish this class of seals: the attitudes of the heroes and of the bull-men, who often show a characteristic flexion of the elbow in reaching toward the top of the victim's head; the lion's head frequently seen from above, as in the representations of the Third Early Dynastic period; the attire of the heroes, most often plain or fringed kilts, with flat caps or feather crowns appearing in several instances."--Porada, CANES, p. 21

"The heros in the contests often, as in 52, wear flat caps as well as skirts tucked up above the knee to provide freedom of movement. The fact that in a contemporaneous limestone inlay from Kish a king is similarly attired shows that such caps and skirts were characteristic of the Second Early Dynastic period." . Porada, CANES, p. 9-10

"The theme of 62, in which a hero and a lion--both figures of the contest frieze--take part in the main scene, has been interpreted by Frankfort as representing the god of fertility seated before his temple. The classification of this seal is not quite certain, because the engraving shows an application of the drill that is unusually pronounced for this period." Porada, CANES, p. 11

"Seals 74-77, which show a treatment of the frieze similar to that in 73, may be assigned to the same time." Porada, CANES, p. 13

Upper edge of cylinder chipped.
"Equally distinctive of this age is the two-pointed headdress seen in 60 and 61 and rendered on a larger scale in an alabaster plaque from Fara... In 61 the composite monster with two-pointed headdress is comparable to the composite figures in the contest friezes of the Second Early Dynastic period, as found in 59. Though the meaning of this monster, as well as that of the rest of the scene, is enigmatic, the arrangement of the figures and their strange actions suggest that the scene may be connected with some mythological concept." Porada, CANES, p. 10-11

"Seals 80-84 probably originated in the same time [as Seal 78], since the small figures on these seals are in the same style as those on the impression of the seal of Barnamtarra, Lugalanda's wife." Porada, CANES, p. 13

"In the seals of mature Akkad style, the theme of contest between heroes and beasts is embodied in two pairs of fighting figures flanking a central design or the panel of an inscription. A characteristic detail of the resulting rather formal composition is the lozenge effect produced by the arms of the fighters and the legs of their victims. The nude bearded hero and the bull-man are the most common protagonists in these contests, but figures attired like human huntsmen often take the place of the nude bearded hero (165) or of both fighters (166, 169). In other instances two identical bull-men (167) or nude bearded heroes (168) are represented. Water buffaloes and lions are the most frequent opponents of the heros. In these seals of mature Akkad style, lions are almost always shown in profile. The scene of 170, showing a figure pouring a libation beside the two fighting pairs, is exceptional." Porada, CANES, p. 22

"Seals 264-266, each of which presents a frieze with an eagle in the center, are characterized as Post-Akkad stones by their deeply incised engraving. Moreover, the eagle in 264 and 265 corresponds with a similar figure in Berlin 247, a seal showing in its lower register the birds found to be distinctive of Post-Akkad cylinders (258, 260)." Porada, CANES, p. 32

"Scenes showing worshipers standing before a deity without an intermediary (245-247) are rare in this period and later." Porada, CANES, p. 30

"The theme of 5 is related to that of 2 by the fact that a ram and ewe, probably representative of a larger herd, are pictured with a symbol. This symbol, interpreted by Andrae as a gatepost with streamers, has been identified as the symbol of the mother goddess, since it can be shown to have developed into the name sign of Inanna, a deity who appears as a mother goddess in religious texts of later periods." Porada, CANES, p. 3
Cylinder partially perforated.

"Banquet scenes, which occur so frequently on Early Dynastic seals, are found on only a few Akkad cylinders. In the latter the banqueting figures are occasionally identified as deities by their horned miters (248, 249), whereas in the earlier renderings the character of the figures remains undetermined. Even in 250, in which the figures do not wear horned miters, they are characterized as superior beings by their seats: the female personage sits on a stool fashioned with what appear to be bull's legs, the male personage on a throne shaped like a shrine." Porada, CANES, p. 30

"Among the mythological figures on Akkad seals, the most frequent is the sun god, Shamash. One of the distinctive settings in which this god appears is found in 178-186. The god, identified by his saw and usually by rays emanating from his shoulders, is shown in ascending posture either between two mountains, placing his foot on one and resting his hand on the other, or beside a single mountain on which he steps while resting his hand on a mace. Before him attendants throw open the gates of heaven... Worshipers are sometimes found on seals featuring the ascending sun god, as in 184 ... Hovever, figures approaching the god appear more frequently when he is enthroned than when he is ascending a mountain. Such figures may be human or divine worshipers (189-194)." . Porada, CANES, p. 24

"In 1040, the figure holding up an animal by the hind leg may be a deity, associated with hunting."--Porada, CANES, p. 145

Cylinder chipped.
"In 387 and 388, the god stepping on the dragon rests his hand on a scimitar. In 389 and 390 he is enthroned with his feet on the back of the dragon and appears to hold a rod. Such a rod, together with a ring, appears in the hands of a number of apparently different gods on Babylonian seals. For example, the two objects are held by the enthroned god in 391. This deity may be the sun god, since the latter appears without his saw but with a rod and ring in the relief on the stele bearing Hammurabi's code. This suggestion is possibly confirmed by the appearance in 391 of a bull in the sky and of another under the feet of the deity, since this animal is frequently depicted in association with the sun god on Old Babylonian seals... The double pleats in the robes of the deities resemble corresponding details in impressions on tablets of the time of Hammurabi and of Samsu-iluna, his successor (Louvre A. 527 J, E; Louvre A. 553 A, E). A similar dating is therefore suggested for 391." Porada, CANES, p. 48-49

"Seals 1020 and 1021 still recall Old Babylonian designs in the general arrangement of their principal figures and in the ascending posture of the gods with emblems. However, the Mitannian elements in these seals are more pronounced; they are manifested by the small designs in the field, and in 1021 by the secondary motif and by the standard held by the god."--Porada, CANES, p. 141

Cylinder rubbed.
"Among the mythological figures on Akkad seals, the most frequent is the sun god, Shamash. One of the distinctive settings in which this god appears is found in 178-186. The god, identified by his saw and usually by rays emanating from his shoulders, is shown in ascending posture either between two mountains, placing his foot on one and resting his hand on the other, or beside a single mountain on which he steps while resting his hand on a mace. Before him attendants throw open the gates of heaven. The fullest elaboration of this motif is found in 178, 179, 181-183... The motif of a sun god with his attendants is sometimes enlarged by the addition of other deities. Examples are: 178, in which a god, at the left of the scene, seems to be hiding a mace behind his back." Porada, CANES, p. 24

"Indubitable renderings of the weather god are found in 967 and 968. In both these seals he is standing on mountains and brandishing a mace in one hand. In 967 he is shown holding a snake and a bull's rein in the other hand, like the god in 964, though here the snake is clearly depicted, while the third object in the same hand is a lotus blossom, not an ax. This blossom invites comparison with a relief from Ras Shamra in which the weather god holds a spear topped with a plant element, probably a transformed lightning symbol. ... In 967 he faces a nude goddess standing on a bull, like the female deity in 942 and 943. This representation, and a similar one in Brett 90, where, however, the nude goddess appears in a winged inclosure, suggest a connection between these two figures like that predicated in regard to the nude female and the weather god in Old Babylonian seals. ... 966 and 97 show the fastidious engraving that marks the height of Syrian glyptic."--Porada, CANES, p. 129

"In 689 the god's victim is not a serpent but the lion-griffin, which appears as the antagonist of heroes from the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur onward. In the discussion of the Old Babylonian contest frieze... it has been suggested that the lion-griffin is to be regarded as a creature of Nergal, god of the nether world. In relation to Neo-Assyrian representations, Schott similarly suggests that the lion-griffin represents a constellation associated with Nergal or equivalently used for this deity, while the god pursuing the lion-griffin is to be regarded as some still unidentified astral deity. However, it must be mentioned that on a relief of Ashurnasirpal II, the god pursuing the lion-griffin holds the lightning fork of the weather god. It is possible therefore that the deity depicted in 689 is the weather god."--Porada, CANES, p. 83

"There may be some significant relation between the sun god and the goddess standing with clasped hands at the left in 399... The double pleats in the robes of the deities on this seal and on 401 are similar to those seen in 391 above, for which a dating in the time of Hammurabi and Samsu-iluna has been suggested." Porada, CANES, p. 49-50

"Seals 692-695, all of which portray worship of deities, resemble in their general rendering the dated sals of this style, most of which belong to the end of the ninth or the beginning of the eight century--for example, B N 354, the seal of Ashur-bel-usur (about 804 B.C.), or Berlin 596, the seal of an officer of Mannu-kima-Ashur (about 793 B.C.)."--Porada, CANES, p. 84

"In 607 and 608, both of which picture a bull calf lying between two contestants, the composition is more formal. The scheme used here--that of two fighting figures with a third between them--was preserved in Neo-Babylonian seals of the first millennium... but discarded by Neo-Assyrian seal cutters. As to the significance of the unusual scene of 608, it may be mentioned that Assyrian texts refer to a divine bull as the son of Shamash, the sun god. Furthermore, Frankfort has interpreted the griffin as the equivalent of the angel of death and the griffin-demon as its antithesis--the latter having potency to ward off the griffin, since it is equipped with the most characteristic features of its monstruous and evil opponent. The scene in 608 may therefore symbolize a struggle between the forces of life and death, in which the imperiled bull stands for a manifestation of the sun. ". Porada, CANES, p. 70

"Seal 609 presents an even more unusual theme in the griffin-demon breaking a branch from a tree. In Neo-Assyrian glyptic and monumental art, griffin-demons are often portrayed in the action of fertilizing the female blossoms of the date palm with spathes that are generally regarded as containing the pollen of this plant. It seems possible that the griffin-demon here is picking off a branch for the purpose of securing such male flowers... The name Ashur-iddin in the inscription of this seal has been regarded by Herzfeld... as referring to the Assyrian year official of 882 B.C. Herzfeld has accordingly dated 609 as belonging to the ninth century B.C. However, since Ashur-iddin is a frequently appearing Assyrian name, stylistic reasons for classifying the seal as belongin to the end of the Middle Assyrian period have outweighed the argument for dating it on the basis of its inscription."--Porada, CANES, p. 70-71

"The earlier group (747-752), comprising cylinders for which a Neo-Babylonian classification is suggested, seems to reflect influence of the Middle Assyrian modeled style, while the later group (753-769) illustrates the specific character of the Neo-Assyrian modeled style of the late eighth and of the seventh century B.C., though in some cases a seal included in this grouping may have been made in Babylonia."--Porada, CANES, p. 90

Cylinder chipped.
"A fourteenth-century dating is indicated for 592 by the fact that the design retains many Mitannian features. There is still a considerable use of the drill, the composition takes in the entire height of the seal, and certain figures--the kneeling bulls, the sphinx, and the griffin--are taken over almost unchanged from Mitannian seal designs." Porada, CANES, p. 68

"The earlier group (747-752), comprising cylinders for which a Neo-Babylonian classification is suggested, seems to reflect influence of the Middle Assyrian modeled style, while the later group (753-769) illustrates the specific character of the Neo-Assyrian modeled style of the late eighth and of the seventh century B.C., though in some cases a seal included in this grouping may have been made in Babylonia."--Porada, CANES, p. 90

"The central element of the ritual scenes of 770-775 is the sacred tree. In these designs it is rendered in three different ways, namely: with graceful streamers and volutes (770); within the net of lines that may connote irrigation canals surrounded by shoots (772, 773); and realistically as a palm tree (774, 775). In 770 two genii, each with palm spathe and pollen basket, flank the tree... In 770-773 the gesture of the genii and the fish-men implies that the main theme of these seals (especially 770, 773) is the act of pollination of the sacred tree... The figure of a god in a inged sun disk above a tree (773) has been interpreted by Frankfort as standing for Ashur hovering over his symbol, the sacred tree... Seals 770-777 may with certainty be classified as Neo-Assyrian cylinders of the latter part of the eight and of the seventh century. For example, in 770 the genii correspond in posture and garb to genii in the murals of Sargon II... ". Porada, CANES, p. 93-94
Cylinder damaged.

"A somewhat exceptional feature is found in 598, in which a worshiper kneels below a winged sun disk on a stand. Such sun disks on stands occur frequently in Mitannian glyptic (see 1047...), and it may be assumed that the motif is derived from some such Mitannian example. The fact that the kneeling posture was prescribed in connection with some Kassite prayers may account for the position of the worshiper. However, it is noteworthy that here he seems to be floating in the air in an attitude recalling some renderings of the figure holding a rope that hangs from a winged gate on such seals of the Akkad period as 225." Porada, CANES, p. 69
Cylinder damaged.

"Seals 819-825 show the motif most frequently encountered in Achaemenian cylinders--that of a king holding at bay or subduing two monsters or lions, rendered in a symmetrical composition recalling the Assyrian cylinders 753-763. The king wears the billowy Persian garments in all of these scenes, except for the occurrence of the fringed Assyrian mantle in 822 ... Seals 824 and 825 show the king standing on two sphinxes, as in seal impressions found in the treasury of Persepolis, dating from the time of Darius and Xerxes."--Porada, CANES, p. 103

"The scene on the right has been interpreted by Frankfort (Cylinder seals, 1939, p. 20) as showing leather workers. This seems a good explanation, since the scene includes a figure wielding a mallet, an attendant bearing a skin, and a second skin and a shoe lying on the ground. The precise meaning of the snake-necked monsters framing the scenes of 1 is not known. In contemporaneous seal designs they appear in what seem to be merely ornamental motifs. However, it is reasonable to believe that these strange creatures originally had some mythological significance. It is possible therefore that their presence in 1 raises the import of the scenes from a secular to a religious level. The detached animal heads placed in the upper field of 1 do not have any obvious relation to the action of the scenes. The use of these heads is typical of Uruk designs, in which not only detached animal heads but also legs sometimes occur in the field.".... Porada, CANES, p. 2
Face of first figure at left abraded; slight damage at top end.

"A somewhat exceptional feature is found in 598, in which a worshiper kneels below a winged sun disk on a stand. Such sun disks on stands occur frequently in Mitannian glyptic (see 1047...), and it may be assumed that the motif is derived from some such Mitannian example. The fact that the kneeling posture was prescribed in connection with some Kassite prayers may account for the position of the worshiper. However, it is noteworthy that here he seems to be floating in the air in an attitude recalling some renderings of the figure holding a rope that hangs from a winged gate on such seals of the Akkad period as 225." Porada, CANES, p. 69

"Palm trees marked with volutes are found in 596 and 597. This use of volutes recalls Mitannian designs, though in the latter the tree as a whole always conveys an impression of artificiality, whereas on the Middle Assyrian seals it has the appearance of a natural tree merely ornamented with metal bands." Porada, CANES, p. 69
Lower part of cylinder broken off.

"Dating of 594 in the fourteenth century is indicated by its similarity to a seal impression of that time (Weber 316a). In each instance a decorative motif is formed by using the wings of the lion-griffins to frame a palmette tree. In the scene of the impression the shoulder feathers of the lion-griffin's wings are indicated by drillings. This distinctive detail (which appears to derive from Mitannian designs), though it is lacking in 594, does appear in 595." Porada, CANES, p. 68

"Seals 264-266, each of which presents a frieze with an eagle in the center, are characterized as Post-Akkad stones by their deeply incised engraving. Moreover, the eagle in 264 and 265 corresponds with a similar figure in Berlin 247, a seal showing in its lower register the birds found to be distinctive of Post-Akkad cylinders (258, 260). Of this group, 267 is the only seal that shows a continuation of Akkad style. It is included here because of its Sumerian inscription, which is typically Post-Akkad. The subject of the seal, a lion-headed eagle clutching animals, is an Early Dynastic theme found especially on the monuments of Lagash, where it still persisted in Post-Akkad times. For example, the theme is treated in a manner similar to that of this seal, but with lions replacing the ibexes, on a stele of Gudea, a ruler of Lagash in the latter part of the Post-Akkad period. It seems possible, therefore, that 267 was made at Lagash in or about the time of Gudea." Porada, CANES, p. 32

"In 945 and 946, the nude female is partly clothed, but the mantle falling over one leg, far from covering her nudity, serves only to accentuate it. This is especially true in 945, where she is shown holding the mantle to one side. The male personage facing her in 946 is clad much like the worshiper in 910. in what has been judged to be royal attire (in 945 only his cap is like that in 910). The fact that the nude female usually appears with a mantle in scenes in which she is associated with such a personage, for example in Louvre A.934, may indicate that this rendering illustrates her specific aspect in relation to that figure, presumably a king."--Porada, CANES, p. 124-125

"Seal 236 probably illustrates the myth of Etana, the shepherd king who flew to heaven on the back of an eagle to obtain the plant of birth for his childless wife." Porada, CANES, p. 29

"In 653 the usual worshiper is omitted. The scene portraying a man plowing may nevertheless have a ritual significance; perhaps, like 647..., it depicts a rural ritual, in this case connected with agriculture. The deep cutting conforms with that of such ninth- or eighth-century stones as Berlin 682, and the seal may be of similar date."--Porada, CANES, p. 78

"The figure of a woman lifting the ends of her veil and displaying her nudity, as found in 937-944, is differentiated from the earlier Syrian and Cappadocian representations of a nude female by a more rounded form and a more elaborate coiffure. The hair is bound up in the back, but otherwise it resembles the ornate coiffure of the goddess in an ivory relief from Ras Shamra that reflects the feminine fashion prevailing in the Levant and in the Aegean regions around the middle of the second millennium. A dating at about this time is likewise suggested by the vase held by the enthroned figure in 937, since it corresponds in shape with a Mycenean gold cup dated in the second half of the sixteenth centuy B.C. ... Sometimes she stands before an enthroned male figure who my, by the mere fact that he is seated, be characterized as a superior deity (937, 938)."--Porada, CANES, p. 124

Cylinder unperforated; in both top and bottom shallow central cavity and outer circle of small depressions.
"Seal 4 presents as its central figure a cyclopic hero holding lions. The rest of the scene includes animals, pots, and other types of containers, as well as a human figure and two lion-headed eagles, all apparently meant to be within an inclosure indicated by two stockade-like frames. A related theme is found in a fragment of a vase from Khafajah.... The nude bearded hero seen in 4 remained a stock figure of the Mesopotamian repertory, aapearing for the most part in contst scenes. The cyclopic version of this figure in 4 is paralleled in only one other instance, an Early Dynastic seal impression from Fara (ancient Shuruppak). A plaque from Khafajah of some thousand years later shows a cyclopic demon whose head has the form of a sun. Because of the wide gap in time, however, there is no assurance that the hero in 4 is to be associated in any manner with this figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 3

"The figure holding up animals in 1051 seems to be an abbreviated rendering of the demon in 1050. In both cases the rendering of the hips suggests that the figure is female. It is difficult to determine whether the treatment in 1050 and 1051 indicates that the figure between animals is always to be regarded as female, even in those scenes which are so cursorily rendered that it is hard to decide whether the form is that of a demon or of a bird (1052-1058)."--Porada, CANES, p. 146

"... a pot of the Jamdat Nasr period shows a scorpion in a panel and the effect is much the same as that produced by the design of seal 31."--Porada, CANES, p. 6-7

"A row of animals in conjunction with a shrine, as found in 22-25, is a typical theme of the Jamdat Nasr period. It is generally assumed that this row denotes a temple herd." Porada, CANES, p. 6

"Seal 3 has been interpreted by E.D. Van Buren as showing priests performing a rite before a shrine. However... it is difficult to judge the character of the figures with certainty, although nudity has often been taken to distinguish priests in representations of later periods." Porada, CANES, p. 3

"Seals 835-839 present animals as their principal subjects. Although 835 has no parallel among Achaemenian designs, it is included here becasue the lions, in respect to their erect posture as well as the linerar treatment of their muscles, resemble the animals in contest scenes of the fully developed Achaemenian style. Though the arrangement of animals in tiered rows found in 836 is likewise unparallelled, the boars of this seal often appear in Achaemenian glyptic (831)."--Porada, CANES, p. 104

"A number of cylinders (958-960) picture a winged goddess holding a spear or some other weapon that indicates her martial character. That the figure represents a goddess and not a god is indicated by the headgear, a square horned miter seen only on female deities ... In 959 the goddess appears to be supervising a contest between two gods, one of whom is identified by the crescent on his helmet as associated with the moon. Seal 960 shows her in a chamber formed by guilloches, while outside of this inclosure suppliant goddess are worshiping scorpions, perhaps her symbol. ... The portrayeal of the suppliant goddesses in 960 does not deviate greatly from Old Babylonian examples; this may support a dating of the seal near the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon." . Porada, CANES, p. 128

"Only two indubitably mythological motifs are found on Neo-Assyrian cylinders: one is that of an attack upon a nude barded hero (686)... The first theme is probably derived from representations of the slaying of the giant Humbaba by the heroes Gilgamesh and Enkidu, as portrayed on an Old Babylonian plaque, on which Humbaba is rendered as a monster. In the melting pot of Mitannian glyptic, however, the rendering of this monster became confused with that of the nude bearded hero. This modification seems to have been taken over by the Assyrians in such seals as 686, on which the victim is clad in a crosshatched garment, or Berlin 608, on which he appears nude, as in older representations."--Porada, CANES, p. 82

"Uruk features on this seal are the bull, rendered with considerable plasticity and without pronounced use of the drill, and the mountains, rendered like those in a seal impression of the Uruk period. However, pigtailed figures, squatting on a bench or a mat and associated with pots, are one of the most usual features of Jamdat Nasr seals. They are rendered in 7, as also in 8-16, by means of a few drill holes, with thin lines for the arms and pigtail. The presence of cows in 7... suggests that the function of the pigtailed figures is the preparation of dairy products, perhaps for ritual purposes." Porada, CANES, p. 4

"The bull-man of the Old Babylonian repertory is rarely found in Syrian seals ... Syrian seals more frequently show the nude bearded hero as a water bearer with flowing vase (979), a representation for which Old Babylonian renderings like 517 ... probably served as examples. Both in 979 and in the Syrian seal Berlin 545, two stars appear above the hero's shoulders, suggesting that he has some astral significance."--Porada, CANES, p. 133
"The representation of a nude bearded hero with two stars over his shoulder ... might be interpreted as the equivalent of the constellation we know as Aquarius"--In August Company, p. 60

"Male and female deities associated with the cultivation of grain are represented in 207-214. The fullest characterization of them is found in 207 and 212. In these latter seals the principal deities are seated on heaps of grain; stalks of grain sprout from their shoulders and rest in their hands. In 207 a plow is carried before the deity ... The gesture of the minor god standing with hands outstretched before the enthroned deity of grain in 207 and 210 is typical of scenes featuring this divinity." Porada, CANES, p. 26

"Another deity often shown on Akkad seals is the water god, Ea, who bears a vase from which two streams flow over his shoulders; usually there are fishes swimming along these streams. Seals 195-197 embody a frequent theme involving this god--that of a bird-man led captive toward the god ... Seals 199-201 have been interpreted by Frankfort as depicting the victory over Zu, the bird-man, with the water god receiving the joyous news." Porada, CANES, p. 25

"Another deity often shown on Akkad seals is the water god, Ea, who bears a vase from which two streams flow over his shoulders; usually there are fishes swimming along these streams. Seals 195-197 embody a frequent theme involving this god--that of a bird-man led captive toward the god. Seal 198 shows the captive brought hanging from a mace, while a plant--presumably stolen by him--is carried pendant from a stick in a procession led by the water god's two-faced minister." Porada, CANES, p. 25

"The interpretation of the griffin as an equivalent of the angel of death may furnish an explanation for the scene of 606, which shows a winged hero pursuing ostriches, usually regarded as harmless animals. Nevertheless the Assyrian may have seen an earthly counterpart to the supernatural griffin in this bird, because of its size and because it lives in the desert, which was believed to be an abode of the dead."--Porada, CANES, p. 70

"The earlier group (747-752), comprising cylinders for which a Neo-Babylonian classification is suggested, seems to reflect influence of the Middle Assyrian modeled style, while the later group (753-769) illustrates the specific character of the Neo-Assyrian modeled style of the late eighth and of the seventh century B.C., though in some cases a seal included in this grouping may have been made in Babylonia."--Porada, CANES, p. 90
Partly preserved copper setting on top and bottom.

"In 607 and 608, both of which picture a bull calf lying between two contestants, the composition is more formal. The scheme used here--that of two fighting figures with a third between them--was preserved in Neo-Babylonian seals of the first millennium... but discarded by Neo-Assyrian seal cutters."--Porada, CANES, p. 70

Cylinder damaged.
"Seals 568-585 represent the earlier stage. Most of the designs of this group show elongated figures and extensive inscriptions containing prayers. This style seems to have evolved at about the beginning of the Kassite period. The phase of transition from Old Babylonian designs to Kassite cylinders of this type is clearly marked by pieces like 568 and 569. The style is therefore referred to as Early Kassite, despite the fact that it appears to have survived into the later centuries of Kassite rule. This is indicated by the names of the Kassite kings found in some of the inscriptions..."--Porada, CANES, p. 63

"Most of the seals of this group [781-788] show a worshiper standing before divine symbols. The Babylonian origin of these cylinders is well attested by the appearance of the same theme, similarly rendered, in seal impressions on Neo-Babylonian tablets. The earliest of these date from the time of Nebuchadrezzar II, in the earlier half of the sixth century B.C., the latest from the time of Darius II, at the end of the fifth century. In contrast to the manner in which Assyrian worshipers are postured, the worshiper in this group of seals is depicted as gesturing with one hand only. Moreover, his garment has folds at the back and fringe only at the bottom (781, 784, 785). The symbols approached by the worshiper are often placed on stands shaped like temples. Celestial symbols, such as the linear crescent, are placed on a curious object, perhaps a stone, that rests on such a stand." . Porada, CANES, p. 95

"The type of scene most frequently found on cylinders of the Third Dynasty of Ur shows a minor goddess leading a worshiper by the hand toward an enthroned deity (277-287), who is more often female than male. Usually the throne resembles a shrine. This scheme is derived from such Akkad seals as 190, with the difference that now the enthroned deities are rarely identified by the objects they hold or by other distinctive features of their appearance. A crescent is usually placed in the sky before the enthroned deity; often a bird or some other animal appears near the knees of the figure."--Porada, CANES, p. 35

"Seals 910-913 show worshipers before a seated deity; ... The shape of the throne, which in 910-913 resembles that of a temple, is characteristic of scenes of the Third Dynasty of Ur and of early Old Babylonian designs ... Since 910 has been referred to the time of Hammurabi, 911-913, which present related subjects, may be similarly dated, though the deities are rendered not with horned miter as in 910 but with the more typically Syrian short curled hair. The worshiping scenes of 910-913 can be differentiated from their Mesopotamian parallels by the egyptianizing character of the objects held by the enthroned deities ... Of the small symbolic designs that appear in the field in Old Babylonian seals, only the ball staff and vessel recur with any frequency in these Syrian seals."--Porada, CANES, p. 118-119

"Two deities who are obviously weather gods appear in 220--a goddess holding bundles of rain, and a god in a chariot, brandishing a whip, who brings to mind thunder and lightning. A parallel exists for the goddess standing on a lion-griffin that draws the god's chariot; however, the more frequent Akkad representations of these deities show both figures standing on such monsters." Porada, CANES, p. 28

Cylinder damaged.
"Another deity often shown on Akkad seals is the water god, Ea, who bears a vase from which two streams flow over his shoulders; usually there are fishes swimming along these streams ... Seal 202 shows the water god seated in his ocean chamber ... In 202, 203, 205, the god is shown approached by worshipers." Porada, CANES, p. 25

"[35] shows patterns probably derived from weaving and mat plaiting." Porada, CANES, p. 7